Colleges Must Stand Firm Against Far-Left Pro-Hamas Extremism

By Chris Pack and Bob Salera



Yesterday marked the one-year anniversary of Hamas’s brutal terrorist attacks on Israel. And predictably, the far-left, pro-Hamas activists that caused chaos on American college campuses earlier this year were back out in force, disgustingly celebrating terrorism, and chanting antisemitic slogans. As we saw during the spring semester, this vocal minority is pushing institutions toward policies that align with extremist ideologies. In the interest of their reputations, colleges and universities must learn from their mistakes, resist this pressure, and stand firm on principles that reflect the broader values of our society.


Colleges must not allow a small but loud group to dictate policies that could lead to national ridicule and a loss of public trust. Instead, they should focus on the values held by the majority, who support Israel and reject the violence of Hamas. The backlash against Ivy League universities should serve as a cautionary tale: aligning with extremist views does not lead to respect or progress but rather to a tarnished reputation and diminished support.

 

Recent polling underscores the widespread American support for Israel and the widespread condemnation of Hamas. According to a recent Gallup poll, a significant majority of Americans view Hamas unfavorably and support Israel’s right to defend itself. Another survey revealed that the reputations of Ivy League schools have suffered due to their handling of pro-Hamas protests, indicating that appeasement of radical elements is damaging these institutions’ standing in the eyes of the public.


Compounding this issue is the current administration's weakness in handling similar pressures. President Biden’s inconsistent stance on Israel, influenced by anonymous letters from within his staff, has undermined his pro-Israel position. This internal dissent has emboldened extremist views and led to a perception of capitulation. Such weakness at the highest levels of government sends a dangerous signal that yielding to the loudest voices, rather than standing firm on principles, is an acceptable approach.



Reflecting on the 2020 election cycle offers valuable insights from our time leading the communications efforts of the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC). 

 

Fresh off their victory in the 2018 election, retaking the majority in the US House of Representatives, the Democratic Conference was infused with a freshman class that included several high-profile far-left figures, including self-avowed socialists like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar. These new members, part of the self-styled “Squad” endorsed extreme positions that were anathema to the vast majority of voters like Defund the Police, the Green New Deal and Abolish ICE. Instead of distancing themselves from The Squad’s extreme positions and rhetoric, their fellow House Democrats remained silent or even defended them, similar to what we are seeing on campuses with anti-Semitic protests. 

 

In response to this extremism on the other side of the aisle, under the mandate of then-House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy, we adopted an aggressive tone in defining our Democratic opponents. And at the urging of well-known pollster Neil Newhouse, we made the 2020 election a referendum on the Democrats’ lurch towards socialist policies.   

 

As expected, we were laughed at. 

 

Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) Chairwoman Cheri Bustos, who was responsible for protecting the centrist House Democrats, dismissed our strategy in September 2019 on a panel discussion at the Texas Tribune Festival, saying “This [socialism] label that you keep repeating over and over and over again, I think we’re going to be sick and tired of it by the time November of 2020 rolls around. It is not true. It is fake. It’s not going to stick.”

 

Then-Meet the Press’ then-host Chuck Todd was quick to pick up on Bustos’ tone, further mocking us on his panel observing, “Socialism is a central tenet of the Republican playbook this cycle. You see it with the NRCC. In the House races they try it. I mean my goodness. Who’s not a socialist as far as the NRCC is concerned?” 

 

And right on cue, while we were busy staying on message of socialism, the professional race handicappers, who we referred to internally as the “paywall prognosticators” predicted that Democrats would win “10-15 seats, with anything from 5-20 seats well within the range of possibility.” 

 

But that is not what happened. instead, the GOP made history by flipping an unprecedented 15 seats, while simultaneously losing GOP control of the Senate and White House. The fallout was immediately validating, as majority making centrist Democrats ceded that the NRCC stuck to its message and tuned out the noise of beltway press and paywall prognosticators. 

 

As reported by The Washington Post, “In the aftermath of their unexpected losses, Democrats argued that the party needs to come to terms with a bigger problem: Republicans have successfully cast the most vulnerable Democrats as “socialists” and tied them to liberal ideas, including Medicare-for-all, the Green New Deal and cutting police budgets.” One Democratic representative remarked to her colleagues, “Don’t say socialism ever again,” and “if we run this race again we will get f-----g torn apart again [at the polls]."

 

The lesson is clear: when institutions coddle extremists instead of standing up to them, it broadcasts to the world at large that the institutions in question are taking the extremists’ side. For the sake of their own reputations, as well as decency, colleges and universities must vocally reject the violent extremists on their campuses, prioritizing the values and beliefs of the broader American public over the disruptive demands of a radical few. By doing so, they will not only uphold their own integrity but also contribute to a more balanced and principled national discourse.

 

The defeated House Democrats should serve as a cautionary tale to these colleges and universities. Weakness and inconsistency in the face of extremist pressure leads to chaos and undermines core values. Colleges must choose the path of strength and principle, ensuring their policies reflect the true values of our nation and not the disruptive whims of a minority.

 

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Chris Pack and Bob Salera led the NRCC’s messaging efforts during the 2020 election cycle. They now lead the communications vertical at Washington, DC public affairs firm, AxAdvocacy. 

 


July 15, 2026
SNAPSHOT
By Bob Salera July 9, 2026
The DSA Surge: What Socialist Primary Wins Mean for Business and the Policy Landscape In the span of two election cycles, the Democratic Socialists of America have gone from insurgent outsiders to a genuine force inside the Democratic Party. A new analysis of DSA's national endorsement record shows 25 primary wins across 15 states so far in the 2025-2026 cycle, a 62 percent success rate stretching from New York city councils to congressional primaries in Pennsylvania and Colorado. The trend is accelerating, and its implications run well beyond the halls of Congress. A Narrow Majority and a Familiar Problem The most immediate political concern is what happens on Capitol Hill if Democrats win the House with a thin margin. Hakeem Jeffries would face the same arithmetic Kevin McCarthy encountered with the House Freedom Caucus: a small group of ideologically committed members can hold a majority hostage. McCarthy was driven from the speakership in October 2023 by fewer than ten members. A larger DSA-aligned caucus, operating from the opposite end of the spectrum with fresh electoral mandates and no institutional loyalty to leadership, could prove equally disruptive. The Squad has already shown a willingness to break with Democratic leadership on appropriations, foreign policy, and procedural votes. More members with the same ideological profile and stronger grassroots backing would only amplify that dynamic. The Bigger Story Is Not Congress Congress gets the attention, but state legislatures and local governments set the conditions in which businesses actually operate. DSA candidates have won primaries in Georgia's state house, Minnesota's city councils, and city councils from New Jersey to Wisconsin to Arizona. These offices are pipelines. Today's Ithaca city councilmember is tomorrow's state legislator. The ideology rarely moderates as candidates advance. DSA's tracker shows an overall candidate win rate just above 50 percent since 2016, but the trend line matters: their 2025 cycle rate hit 62 percent, among the highest in their history. They are getting better at targeting winnable races, recruiting credible candidates, and turning out their base in low-turnout primaries where a motivated minority can determine outcomes. What It Means for Business in Blue States DSA's platform is not a vague progressive wish list. It calls for high progressive taxation, aggressive labor mandates, rent control, restructuring or defunding police, and opposition to most market-rate development. In jurisdictions where DSA-backed officials hold real power, those positions have translated into tangible policy. Minneapolis, where DSA holds several city council seats, has moved aggressively on landlord restrictions and business tax increases. San Francisco, where DSA-backed supervisor Dean Preston held power for years, saw some of the most restrictive commercial policies of any major American city before his 2024 defeat. Chicago's DSA aldermanic bloc has been a consistent source of opposition to development and public safety investment. These are not abstract ideological disputes. They represent direct compliance costs, operational risk, and a fundamentally less hospitable environment for investment. The National Drag, the State-Level Threat Nationally, a Democratic Party increasingly defined by its socialist wing faces real structural vulnerabilities. The 2024 results underscored how badly economic anxiety and perceptions of ideological overreach damage Democrats with working-class voters. An overtly socialist brand does not win back those voters. In competitive states and districts, it is a liability. But DSA does not need to win nationally to reshape policy. In blue states, a narrow legislative majority is enough to pass sweeping changes to tax policy, labor law, zoning, and regulatory structure. The voters most affected by those policies often have no political recourse. They cannot flip the state, and moving is not always an option. The Bottom Line DSA's electoral growth is not a narrative. It is a documented trend with a consistent track record across eight years and nearly 300 tracked candidates. For business and advocacy organizations, the lesson is that down-ballot primaries are where the policy environment is actually determined. A city council race in Milwaukee or a state house primary in Georgia does not generate national headlines, but it shapes the regulatory and tax climate that affects daily operations. Monitoring these races, engaging early, and understanding who holds office at every level of government matters more now than at any point in recent memory. The decisions being made in city council chambers today are the legislation being voted on in state capitals in five years.
By Ashlee Stephenson July 7, 2026
President Ashlee Rich Stephenson joined Steve Scully on SiriusXM POTUS to discuss the U.S. Senate landscape. Ashlee stated, "If I'm a Democratic operative, I'm hoping Haley Stevens pulls this out. Nominating a Democratic Socialist of America-backed candidate to run statewide in a true battleground would present real challenges for Democrats. If we start seeing Democratic Socialist of America candidates winning Senate nominations in states like Michigan, it signals a broader shift with implications that extend to the Electoral College, the presidency, and the future of free enterprise." And prior to the breaking news on Platner re-evaluating his campaign, they also covered Maine's Senate race, where Ashlee argued that Sen. Susan Collins remains in a strong position. Collins' long-standing reputation and the value Mainers place on character make the race far more challenging for Democrats than many expected, turning what was once viewed as a top pickup opportunity into a much more difficult path. Watch the full analysis of the 2026 U.S. Senate landscape here:
By Kelly McElhaney July 1, 2026
State of Play: Five Things We Are Tracking As Congress limps into the July 4th recess, it appears that the legislative agenda will remain in gridlock. The ongoing disagreements will ultimately define the remainder of the summer and fall calendar. SAVE America Act rebellion is freezing the House floor. A group of House conservatives have twice blocked procedural rules this week, demanding that leadership force action on the SAVE America Act. The faction has stalled many must-pass items and sent members home early for the second week in a row. Speaker Johnson needs near-unanimous GOP support to move anything with such a razor-thin majority. FY27 NDAA a victim of House Gridlock. The House Armed Services Committee has released a $1.15 trillion topline NDAA, with Chairman Rogers framing it around industrial base revitalization and getting to the administration's defense spending target. As of this week, the bill is caught in the SAVE America Act crossfire, with Rep. Anna Paulina Luna's push to attach the voter ID measure via amendment threatening to sink it in the Senate, where it needs Democratic votes to clear a filibuster. FY27 appropriations are inching forward. The House has passed two FY27 spending bills (MilCon-VA and Agriculture-FDA) and was set to take up the State Foreign Operations bill this week before the SAVE Act revolt punted it again. With the Senate in recess for two weeks, and the end of the fiscal year fast approaching, the path to a full-year deal versus another continuing resolution remains in question. Surface transportation reauthorization is racing against a September 30 deadline. With the IIJA's five-year authorization set to expire on September 30, the House T&I Committee advanced the bipartisan $580 billion BUILD America 250 Act (H.R. 8870) out of committee with a bipartisan 62-2 vote in May championed by Chairman Graves and Ranking Member Larsen. Floor time has not yet been announced, but committee leadership is hopeful it will be secured before the August recess. The Senate hasn't released its proposal yet, but early signals suggest strong continuity with the House version, with a streamlined return to the legislation’s original core functions. The urgency to move is driven by a very real funding problem: the Highway Trust Fund is projected to run dry by 2028, the House bill addresses this with a new EV and hybrid fees. Senate Appropriations markups keep getting delayed. Movement is expected once the Senate returns from its two-week recess. Senate Appropriations has postponed its full-committee markups of Agriculture-FDA, Commerce-Justice-Science, Legislative Branch, and MilCon-VA for the fourth time. Defense Subcommittee Chairman Mitch McConnell's hospitalization left Republicans short a vote. He is anticipated to return later this month.
July 1, 2026
SNAPSHOT
By Mischa Martin June 26, 2026
More Than a Phone Call: The Real Work of Effective Advocacy Government relations is not just about knowing who to call. It is about identifying the right person, knowing why to call them, and how to frame the conversation when you do. Recently, a client who is a healthcare provider reached out for support. They had supported a licensing change that moved them into a new category, a shift that made sense as a way to better align oversight with the services being delivered. What nobody anticipated was that the change triggered simultaneous obligations under two separate, similar state statutes. Two divisions within the same agency were now required to conduct independent maltreatment investigations of the same event on sequential timelines, leaving staff on administrative leave for months and operations significantly disrupted — with most allegations ultimately unfounded. The provider had attempted to resolve the issues but was frustrated. They needed a strategy. Step One: Understand the Law A side-by-side analysis of both statutes mapped jurisdiction, investigation requirements, and timelines. It identified the precise point of overlap and, just as importantly, room within existing law to coordinate that had not yet been explored. Without that foundation, there is no credible position, no realistic solution, and no productive conversation with anyone who has authority to act. Step Two: Know Your Audience The framing had to acknowledge what both statutes were designed to protect while making clear the current process was producing a significant burden without additional protective value. Understanding the agency's own position and constraints was essential to developing a message they could act on rather than defend against. Step Three: Engage the Agency First The first call was not to a legislator. It was to the agency. Going to them first signals good faith and allows them to be part of the solution. A legislative fix takes a session. An administrative accommodation can be processed within weeks. The agency reviewed the analysis, agreed that the duplication did not serve the intent of either statute, and agreed to streamline the process within existing authority. Step Four: Build Toward a Long-Term Solution The streamlining was a meaningful win and not the finish line. The statutory ambiguity remains, and both sides recognized that a legislative fix is likely necessary to fully resolve the issue. The short-term work built the trust to get there together. Effective advocacy is not a single conversation. Done well, it does not just solve the problem at hand. It builds the foundation to resolve greater future issues. And the agencies and legislators who are part of that process are far more likely to become partners in solving the next problem too.