Principal Chris Pack Quoted in USA Today

AxAdvocacy Principal of Communications Chris Pack spoke with USA Today on the early start to the 2026 midterm elections. Speaking about Defending America PAC's efforts to support Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick, Pack noted that the campaign cycle has become nonstop. “It’s definitely become a full-contact sport,” he said. “And it seems there’s no longer an off-season.”


Read the full article below:


Midterms aren't as far away as you think. The fight has already started.

USA Today

Chris Brennan

April 11, 2025

https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/columnist/2025/04/11/democrats-congress-midterms-2026-election/83014650007/


The 2026 midterm elections, which will determine which political party controls the U.S. House and Senate, are still nearly 19 months away. But those fights are already turning chippy.

Democrats, eager to find a way back from political relegation, are in a solid position to retake the House next year. Republicans, keen on keeping control in both chambers of Congress, are already teeing off on Democratic contenders.

A prime example is U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, a Pennsylvania Republican seeking a sixth term next year in a purple congressional district in the suburbs just north of Philadelphia. Fitzpatrick is just one of three Republicans in the House who won in districts where Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris beat Republican opponent Donald Trump in November's election.

He's accustomed to having a target on his district. Next year will be no different.

Fitzpatrick has for years bedeviled activists on both ends of the political spectrum. Ardent Trump supporters in the district hate to hear him described as a conservative. Progressives there are driven to distraction when Fitzpatrick is called a moderate.

This has worked for Fitzpatrick for nearly a decade. But now, he's tied again to a deeply unpopular president. Fitzpatrick's only tough election was in 2018, a midterm election. Guess who was president then.


Democrats have chosen which GOP seats they want to flip

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee on April 8 named Fitzpatrick's seat one of 35 districts held by Republicans targeted to flip next year.

This was, of course, an advantageous week for that sort of messaging, giving Trump's flippity-floppity flirtation with economic calamity, concerns about federal budget cuts starving off access to programs like Social Security and Medicaid, and sinking approval ratings for Republicans in Congress.

The Center for Politics at the University of Virginia on April 10 listed Fitzpatrick's seat as one of 13 held by Republicans across the country considered a "toss-up" next year. Part of that rests on historical precedent. For decades, with the exception of 2002, the party that holds the White House has suffered midterm election losses in Congress.

Kyle Kondik from The Center for Politics told me he doesn't see Fitzpatrick as "a top-tier Democratic target" because he hasn't faced a difficult challenge since the 2018 election. Even so, he added that if Vice President Harris had won the presidency last November, Fitzpatrick's seat would have been rated a "likely Republican" win this week.

Kondik, writing April 10 about the midterm elections, noted that Democrats "have been punching above their weight in special elections" this year, which echoes back to party wins in 2017, the first year of Trump's first term, ahead of a successful 2018 midterm cycle.

"Democrats became favorites to flip the House as soon as Trump won, and what has happened since then has not really changed that assessment," Kondik wrote.


The Pennsylvania midterm election getting attention

For a potential congressional matchup set way down the road on Nov. 3, 2026, the ominous text messages I've received in the past week make the race sound imminent.

Bob Harvie, a Democrat who chairs the Bucks County Board of Commissioners, has entered his party's primary to challenge Fitzpatrick. And he, too, was soon wearing a target.

The National Republican Congressional Committee fired off an early salvo April 8 knocking Harvie for how Bucks County spent national money from a national opioid settlement.

And Defending America, a super PAC that describes itself as committed to protecting Fitzpatrick "from extremist challenges on both the far-left and far-right," came out swinging at Harvie with texts calling him a "clown" and "a corrupt, do-nothing partisan hack."

Having a Republican in the 1st Congressional District and a Democrat as chair of the county commission shows how politically competitive the district is, where 42% of the registered voters are Republicans, 40% are Democrats and the rest are independents or members of smaller parties.

You might assume a super PAC seeking to help Fitzpatrick would be well funded by deep-pocket conservative groups. You'd be wrong.

Federal Election Commission reports show that political action committees for unions representing carpenters, laborers, plumbers, letter carriers and airline pilots were the biggest contributors to Defending America in 2023 and 2024.


Trump is already promising big midterm wins. Not so fast.

Chris Pack, a longtime Republican political consultant and spokesperson for Defending America, told me the super PAC was set up in 2023 to help Fitzpatrick fend off a primary challenger from the right. I asked him if it felt like the midterms were off to an early start. He agreed.

"It's definitely become a full-contact sport," Pack told me. "And it seems there's no longer an off-season."

Kondik said money flooding into races early accelerates the cycle to where it hardly starts or stops.

"There's so much money in the political system that it's never too early to see attacks," Kondik said. "There really is effectively a permanent campaign for the House."

With the cycle already churning, Fitzpatrick and other potentially vulnerable Republicans will face certain scrutiny from voters and special interests looking to see how close to ‒ or distant from ‒ he is to a controversial president who could serve as an effective deadweight on his campaign.

Talk about a toss-up. Trump, speaking April 8 at the National Republican Congressional Committee's annual fundraiser, promised his party "a tremendous, thundering landslide" in the midterm elections in a rambling speech that oscillated between old lies about the 2020 election and new boasts about the tariffs he had just slapped on countries around the world.

A day later, Trump paused those tariffs for 90 days as panic in the stock markets metastasized into the bond market, giving the president's advisers some serious agita.

Vulnerable Republicans like Fitzpatrick now have nearly 19 months of that sort of inevitable chaos to weather. Progressives have failed to topple him. Maybe Trump is up to the task this time?







By Caleb Franz September 10, 2026
The Post-Recess Congressional Outlook Congress returned from its five-week August recess and sent a bill to the President to fund the government through December 11, but the major fiscal and policy fights remain unresolved. That makes the CR a ceasefire, not a resolution — the fight over spending and policy is still ahead. The Clock The calendar is shrinking by the week. The House returned August 31, then canceled its remaining two full work weeks in September, leaving a single four-day session (September 14-17) before members leave for the campaign trail. The Senate has a bit more time, scheduled to stay in session through October 2. The September 30 fiscal-year deadline is no longer the immediate deadline because the CR extends funding through December 11. Neither chamber has the runway to finish the remaining major legislative agenda items before Election Day. The likely outcome is that decisions on government funding beyond December 11, the FY27 National Defense Authorization Act, and the fate of a third reconciliation package extend into the lame-duck session - decided by a Congress that may look different than the one sitting today. Appropriations & NDAA Appropriations and NDAA are traditional must-pass priorities. Reconciliation is optional. Appropriations remain the most immediate pressure point, and the December 11 deadline only buys time on the FY27 spending bills. All twelve have cleared the House Appropriations Committee, but only three have passed the full floor, and the Senate hasn't reported a single one out of committee. That disparity reflects the two chambers' unresolved fight over topline defense and non-defense spending levels. Absent a herculean effort by the leadership of the House and Senate Appropriations Committees, passing any of the outstanding bills across both chambers by year's end is unlikely, and another stopgap will likely be necessary. After six decades of annual enactment, the odds are in favor of Congress ultimately producing an NDAA. The House passed its version in July by a narrow margin, authorizing roughly $250 billion more in defense spending than FY26 levels. The Senate's version is still pending, stalled since a failed July cloture vote, and even once it passes, a conference committee still has to reconcile the two chambers' different versions before anything reaches the President's desk. NDAA hasn't been signed into law before December in any of the last several cycles; last year's version wasn't signed until December 18, and this year is tracking the same way. With no official Senate passed product, the two chambers will begin informal conference discussions in earnest after the Congress officially breaks for the election season. Reconciliation 3.0 Reconciliation is the one item on this list Congress does not have to touch. Republicans already used the process once this year, passing a second reconciliation bill in June that provided roughly $70 billion in funding for ICE and CBP. A third package, built around Iran war funding, agricultural aid, and provisions tied to Republicans' election-law priorities, cleared the House in July, but the Senate has not advanced it. Majority Leader Thune has said he'd rather hold the framework in reserve as leverage for the funding fight than spend it on a standalone package before the election. Its prospects are likely to depend in significant part on how the funding negotiations develop as well as the election outcome. If one or both Chambers flip, look for Republicans to revisit reconciliation efforts as a last-ditch effort to provide funding to the Administration for key priorities prior to the new Congress. What the Election Changes The election will determine how much leverage each side has during the lame-duck period. With the election on November 3 and the CR expiring December 11, the lame-duck Congress would have roughly five weeks to resolve the next round of government funding. If Republicans retain both chambers, they can continue pursuing their legislative agenda, but the incentive to complete major priorities before the new Congress takes office would still depend on the size of their margins and the remaining legislative calendar. If Democrats win either chamber, the outgoing GOP majority faces greater pressure to resolve outstanding priorities before the new Congress takes office, when the balance of power could shift. That could create a final push to lock in NDAA authorization levels and take another run at reconciliation before new members take office in January. The Bottom Line The next sixty days matter more than the usual pre-election lull suggests. The major open questions: the FY27 spending bills, NDAA authorization levels, and whether Republicans pursue a third reconciliation bill, remain unresolved. Organizations with a stake in any of these three fights have a narrower window than usual to get specific asks attached before that happens, and that window closes well before Congress reconvenes in January.
By Bob Salera September 1, 2026
AxAdvocacy Expands to Ohio with Addition of Former State Representative Jon Cross as Principal Firm’s Columbus practice marks its latest expansion into key state capitals
By Ashlee Stephenson August 13, 2026
Public Affairs Has a Performance Problem There is a hard truth our industry doesn't like to admit. Public affairs has become far too comfortable confusing activity with accomplishment. Too many firms celebrate meetings instead of momentum. They count bill introductions instead of policy victories. They send clients long recaps filled with updates everyone could have read themselves and call it strategy. That isn't advocacy. That's administration. Clients aren't hiring us to tell them what happened in Washington yesterday. They're hiring us to change what happens tomorrow. Somewhere along the way, much of our industry accepted that checking the box was enough. Weekly reports became the deliverable. Legislative summaries became the strategy. Calendar invites became evidence of value. Meanwhile, the companies paying the bills are facing the fastest-moving policy environment in decades. Artificial Intelligence Trade Tariffs Tax Policy Energy Workforce Shortages Antitrust China ESG Supply Chains State Activism Election Volatility The stakes have never been higher. Yet many public affairs programs are operating exactly as they did fifteen years ago. That should concern every CEO. Effort Isn't a KPI One of the biggest myths in our profession is that effort equals value. It doesn't. Clients don't care how many meetings you scheduled. They care whether their issue moved. They don't care how many memos you wrote. They care whether the narrative changed. They don't care how busy your team looked. They care whether they are better positioned because of your work. Being busy has become a substitute for being effective. The two are not the same. The Next Generation of Public Affairs The firms that will define the next decade won't be the ones with the biggest lobbying teams. They'll be the ones that integrate policy, communications, research, digital strategy, coalition building, and executive positioning into one coordinated campaign. Public affairs isn't just government relations anymore. It’s: Business Strategy Market Strategy Reputation Management Competitive Advantage The firms still operating in silos will be left behind. Relationships Matter. Initiative Matters More. Relationships remain the currency of influence. But relationships alone are no longer enough. Clients expect: Ideas before they ask for them Opportunities before they appear Intelligence before it becomes news Their advisors to think like business leaders - not order takers The firms creating the most value today aren't waiting for assignments. They are creating opportunities. Raise the Standard This profession deserves better than status updates disguised as strategy. It deserves: Curiosity Creativity Relentless preparation A bias toward action An obsession with producing measurable outcomes Our clients don't need more emails. They don't need another legislative summary. They need partners willing to challenge conventional thinking, anticipate what's next, and fight relentlessly for results. That's the standard. It should be the expectation - not the exception.
By Bob Salera August 3, 2026
Firm significantly expands its presence in the nation's largest state economy, offering clients a fully integrated federal, state, local, and public affairs platform.
July 28, 2026
SNAPSHOT
July 15, 2026
SNAPSHOT